💰 Economy & FinanceMAINS · GS1.7 · GS3.1

Time Use Survey shows unpaid-care gender gap

MoSPI's survey measuring how Indians split paid and unpaid work across a 24-hour day — and what it reveals about who carries the household.

What happened

Background & context

A Time Use Survey does something a household consumption or employment survey cannot: it accounts for all 1,440 minutes of a person's day and classifies each block of activity — sleeping, paid work, unpaid domestic chores, caregiving, learning, leisure, self-care. Conventional economic statistics count only what is bought, sold, or paid for, so a vast amount of work — cooking, cleaning, fetching water, minding children and the elderly — is rendered statistically invisible because no money changes hands. The TUS is the instrument that makes this unpaid, non-market work visible and measurable, which is why it has become the standard evidence base for questions of gender, the care economy, and the "real" working day.

India's engagement with time-use measurement is not new. The country's first Time Use Survey was a pilot conducted in 1998–99, covering a handful of States. The exercise was then institutionalised: the first nationwide TUS run by the National Statistical Office (NSO) under MoSPI was conducted in 2019, and TUS 2024 is the next full nationwide round. Having two comparable nationwide rounds (2019 and 2024) matters for the exam and for policy, because it converts a one-off snapshot into a trend — we can now say whether the unpaid-care burden is rising, falling, or holding, and whether the gender gap is widening or narrowing.

The survey sits within MoSPI's larger statistical machinery. MoSPI houses the National Statistical Office (NSO), which conducts the country's flagship large-scale surveys — the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) for employment and unemployment, the Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) for spending and poverty, and the Time Use Survey for the allocation of time. The TUS therefore belongs to the same family of official household surveys, and is frequently confused with them: it is the one that measures time, not income, employment status, or expenditure.

Methodologically, a time-use survey works by asking respondents to reconstruct a full 24-hour reference day in fixed time slots, recording the activity performed in each slot. Because a single day for one person can be unrepresentative, the survey is fielded across the whole calendar year and across a large sample of households, so that seasonal and day-of-week variation averages out — a farmer's day in the sowing season differs from the lean season, and a weekday differs from a weekend. The recorded activities are then mapped onto a standard classification so that India's data can be compared internationally; TUS uses an activity classification aligned with the UN's International Classification of Activities for Time-Use Statistics (ICATUS). ICATUS draws the crucial boundary between activities that fall inside the System of National Accounts production boundary (paid and market work), activities that are productive but unpaid and outside that boundary (own-use household services such as cooking, cleaning, and caregiving), and pure non-productive personal activities (sleep, leisure, self-care). It is this boundary that lets a TUS quantify exactly how much unpaid, non-market work an economy runs on.

For Prelims

For UPSC: TUS 2024 (MoSPI/NSO) measures paid vs unpaid work; women carry far more unpaid care than men — 41% vs 21.4% participation and ~140 vs ~74 min/day. The first nationwide NSO TUS was 2019; the very first Indian TUS was a 1998–99 pilot.

What it is NOT: The TUS is not an employment or unemployment survey — that is the PLFS. It is not a consumption or poverty survey — that is the HCES. It does not measure income or wages; it measures how time is allocated across activities. It is also not a Census operation and not a sample registration exercise — it is a sample-based survey of time use. And "unpaid caregiving for household members" is a specific category within it, not the whole of unpaid work (which also includes unpaid domestic chores like cooking and cleaning).

The family it belongs to (MoSPI/NSO flagship surveys): Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) → employment; Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) → spending/poverty; Annual Survey of Industries (ASI) → factory sector; and the Time Use Survey (TUS) → allocation of time. Knowing which survey measures what is the classic "match the pairs" trap.

Why it matters

The problem the survey addresses is the invisibility of unpaid work in the way economies are conventionally measured. National income accounts capture market production but largely exclude unpaid domestic and care work, even though that work is what allows the paid economy to function — somebody has to cook, clean, and raise the next generation of workers. When this labour is invisible in the data, it is invisible in policy: budgets, time-poverty, and the design of welfare schemes all proceed as if the care burden did not exist.

By quantifying the gap, TUS 2024 supplies hard numbers for several live policy debates. The first is female labour-force participation: India's relatively low rate of women in paid work cannot be understood without seeing how much of their day is already absorbed by unpaid caregiving and domestic work. A woman doing ~140 minutes a day of caregiving has that much less time available for paid employment, education, or rest — the survey makes that trade-off measurable. The second is the care economy: the data strengthens the case for public investment in care infrastructure — childcare, crèches, elder-care, Anganwadi services — as a route to freeing women's time. The third is recognition and redistribution: international policy frameworks speak of recognising, reducing, and redistributing unpaid care work, and a TUS is the only instrument that can tell whether redistribution is actually happening over time.

The trend reading is sobering. Between 2019 and 2024 the share of people reporting unpaid caregiving rose for both sexes, but the gender gap did not close — women's participation climbed from 32.8% to 41%, men's from 16.2% to 21.4%. The absolute gender gap in participation widened slightly, and the time gap (women doing roughly twice the daily minutes of men) held firm. So the headline is not that the burden is being redistributed; it is that caregiving is being reported more, and women still carry the bulk of it.

For Mains

Data
TUS 2024 gives precise, citable figures for the unpaid-care gap — 41% of women vs 21.4% of men participate, and ~140 vs ~74 minutes a day — letting an answer substantiate a claim about women's time-poverty with official statistics rather than assertion.
Substantiation
In an answer on female labour-force participation or the care economy, the survey supplies the missing link: women's low presence in paid work is partly explained by the unpaid caregiving and domestic load that the TUS now measures directly.
Problematisation
The survey itself reveals the gap that policy must close — caregiving participation rose for both sexes between 2019 and 2024, yet women still do roughly twice the daily minutes of men, so the burden is not being redistributed despite growing recognition.
Deploys into: women's empowerment and the gendered division of labour (GS1.7); the care economy, female labour-force participation, and how the economy is measured (GS3.1); and the role of robust official statistics in evidence-based welfare policy.
Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation · 2026-03-25 · PRID 2244899 · PIB source ↗