๐ŸŒฑ Environment & EcologyMAINS ยท GS3.5 ยท GS3.14

PM-PRANAM rewards states for cutting fertiliser use

A scheme that pays States half the fertiliser subsidy they save by lowering chemical-fertiliser consumption and restoring soil health.

What happened

Background & context

India's fertiliser problem is a subsidy problem. Urea is sold to farmers at a statutorily fixed price far below cost, with the gap met by central subsidy; the non-urea nutrients (phosphatic and potassic) are covered under the Nutrient Based Subsidy (NBS) regime. Because urea is the cheapest nutrient at the farm gate, farmers apply it far in excess of the other two โ€” over-feeding nitrogen while starving the soil of phosphorus and potassium. The result is the lopsided national N:P:K ratio the release highlights, soil-health deterioration, and a fertiliser-subsidy bill that runs into lakhs of crore each year.

PM-PRANAM โ€” the PM Programme for Restoration, Awareness Generation, Nourishment and Amelioration of Mother-Earth โ€” was conceived to attack both ends of that loop at once. By converting a State's reduction in subsidised-fertiliser use into a cash transfer back to that State, it tries to turn the subsidy from a pure expenditure into an incentive for restraint. The Department of Fertilizers is the nodal department, and the scheme draws its grant pool from the savings within existing fertiliser-subsidy outlays rather than from a separate new budget line. It sits in the wider family of soil-and-nutrient interventions โ€” the Soil Health Card scheme (which gives farmers crop-wise nutrient recommendations), the Neem-coated Urea mandate (which curbs diversion and slows nitrogen release), PM-PRANAM itself, and the natural-farming push under PKVY / the National Mission on Natural Farming โ€” all aimed at moving Indian agriculture toward balanced, soil-test-based nutrition.

It helps to see why the imbalance became so entrenched. Urea carries a fixed maximum retail price and an open-ended subsidy, so as cultivation intensified, urea stayed cheap while phosphatic and potassic fertilisers โ€” sold under the Nutrient Based Subsidy regime, where the subsidy is fixed per nutrient and the retail price floats โ€” became relatively dearer. Farmers responded rationally to the price signal and tilted their basket toward nitrogen. India also imports a large share of its phosphate and almost all of its potash, so global price swings and exchange-rate shocks make the non-nitrogen nutrients still costlier at the farm gate. PM-PRANAM does not change those prices directly; instead it works on the volume side, paying a State to demonstrate that it can grow the same crop with less total chemical fertiliser โ€” closing the loop that the price structure alone could not. The reduction is measured against the State's own baseline (its prior three-year average), so a State already farming efficiently is not penalised for starting from a low base, and the comparison is internal rather than a race between States.

For Prelims

For UPSC: PM-PRANAM rewards a State with half the fertiliser subsidy it saves (95% to the State, 5% retained), covering Urea/DAP/NPK/MOP; the ideal N:P:K is 4:2:1 but India over-uses nitrogen at roughly 9.3:3.5:1. Nodal: Department of Fertilizers.

Why it matters

The scheme tackles three linked failures at once. First, the fiscal one: the fertiliser subsidy is among the central government's largest, and urea's artificially low price makes the bill rise as consumption rises โ€” PM-PRANAM gives States a stake in bending that curve downward. Second, the agronomic one: excess nitrogen without matching phosphorus and potassium lowers nutrient-use efficiency, hardens soils and depresses long-run yields; rebalancing toward 4:2:1-type ratios protects productivity. Third, the ecological one: surplus nitrogen leaches into groundwater and runs off into water bodies, while ammonia volatilisation and nitrous-oxide emissions add to air pollution and greenhouse-gas load โ€” making over-fertilisation a soil, water and climate problem at once. By routing 95% of the reward into village-level natural-farming and soil-restoration assets, the scheme also tries to build durable capacity on the ground rather than a one-off cash payout.

The design also respects federalism: it does not command States to cut fertiliser use, it pays them to choose to. That makes it a cooperative-federalism instrument โ€” a Centre-funded incentive that leaves the decision and the delivery with the States, and lets each State pursue the reduction through whatever mix of soil-health cards, natural farming, micro-irrigation and extension works best for its cropping pattern.

There is a useful comparison with how a simple price subsidy behaves. A straight cut in the urea price would lower the cost to the farmer but do nothing to discourage over-application โ€” it could even encourage more. PM-PRANAM inverts that logic: the public money is released only when consumption actually falls, and it is paid to the tier of government best placed to run extension and soil-testing on the ground. In that sense it belongs to a newer class of outcome-linked transfers rather than the older input-price subsidies, and it complements rather than replaces the Soil Health Card and Neem-coated-Urea measures already in force. The caveat the release itself supplies is the agronomic one: because ICAR finds no single national NPK target, a State chasing the reward must reduce fertiliser in a soil-test-guided way, not by blunt across-the-board cuts that could under-feed crops and dent yields. The intended path is balanced reduction through the 4R approach โ€” right quantity, right time, right mode, right type โ€” so that lower input does not mean lower output.

For Mains

Anchor
PM-PRANAM can anchor a direct question on reforming the fertiliser-subsidy regime or on incentivising balanced fertilisation โ€” explain the 50%-of-savings mechanism, the 95:5 split and the funding from saved subsidy.
Data
Use the hard numbers as substantiation: recommended N:P:K 4:2:1 versus India's ~9.3:3.5:1 (2024-25); the wide State spread from Tamil Nadu's near-balance to Punjab/Haryana/UP/Bihar imbalance โ€” concrete evidence of the nitrogen skew.
Way-forward
Cite PM-PRANAM as a way-forward in answers on subsidy rationalisation, soil health and sustainable agriculture โ€” converting a passive subsidy into a State-level incentive, paired with soil-test-based 4R nutrient management.
Problem
The release itself admits the underlying problem ICAR flags โ€” no single national NPK target, persistent over-use of urea โ€” usable to problematise India's input-subsidy structure and the political economy of cheap urea.
Example
Deploy as a live example of cooperative-federalism design: a Centre-funded performance incentive that leaves the choice and delivery with States rather than mandating behaviour.
Position
The government's stated stance: balanced, soil-test-based, integrated nutrient management on the 4R approach is preferred over a uniform national NPK prescription.
Deploys into: subsidy rationalisation (GS3.5 โ€” subsidies/MSP/PDS) ยท soil health, pollution and sustainable agriculture (GS3.14 โ€” conservation/pollution) ยท cooperative federalism and government interventions in agriculture.
Ministry of Chemicals & Fertilizers ยท Department of Fertilizers ยท 2026-03-24 ยท PRID 2244397 ยท PIB source โ†—

Related: PM-PRANAM entity hub ยท Environment & Ecology ยท this week's cards